Saturday, February 17, 2018

Atlantis against Mu





The names are essentially wrong but this does not matter.  The narrative is similar to Indian scriptures as well.

I do think that our future will be much different than this as we will empower the natural community and the true wisdom of humanity were all strive for true wisdom and mastery.

Otherwise a cycle of continuing human folly is not to be recommended.

Most important do observe the passing of these narratives and the limits in what can be shared.  What is science and a spaceship except loan words to confuse us?





ATLANTIS AGAINST MU

Testimony of a Hopi Indian on MU and its fall

"Survivors of Mu"


There exists little information about the continent of Mu and practically no serious reporting about the war opposing this continent of the Pacific to the inhabitants of the island of Atlantis… The lines which follow are likely to touch a fair number among you. It is about the testimony of an Indian Hopi (Polar Bear) who reports with much generosity the history of his ancestors‚ that was transmitted from generation to generation and this during thousands of years… Polar Bear tells the history of its people‚ the Hopis‚ and the relations which he succeeded to keep with the celestial creator and his auxiliaries‚ the different Kachinas. It reveals us the absurd war which opposed his ancestors who lived on Mu (Kásskara) with the people of Atlantis (Talawaitichqua) and the destruction of these two worlds. The world of Atlantis is described like a society in full decline. 


Polar Bear reports this way the painful exiles of its people towards the American continent 80.000 years ago‚ which fully discredits the thesis of the arrival of the Indians there 10 to 12.000 years ago by the Bering Strait… 

Here thus a remarkable testimony in many regards! This document has never been translated in English. It comes from a German book published in 1979 and entitled “Kásskara und die Sieben Welten” (Kásskara and the Seven Worlds). We translated for you only the part which relates to the testimony of Polar Bear‚ which is a third of the content of this book, the remainder being a remarkable analysis of the testimony of Polar Bear written by Joseph F. Blumrich, the author of the book. 

Joseph F. Blumrich worked with NASA from 1959 to 1974. He in particular took part in the structural design of the engine of Saturn V which made it possible for the American astronauts to foul the soil of the Moon. He also collaborated in the design of Skylab. I am surprised that its work never left the Germanic territory. Unfortunately‚ Joseph F. Blumrich died in 2002. It is most probably not tomorrow that his work will be appreciated at its right value. The purpose of this translation is to diffuse its content to the greatest number of people. That those which want to know take the time to read it...

Anton Parks, october 2005


Introduction by Joseph F. Blumrich

In our history‚ there were men who recognized clearly how little they knew, but there were others which believed knowing everything. Today the differential equations‚ the computers and the statistics dominate. The solid facts explain all and the knowledge, which comes from the belief, is hardly worth a soap bubble! There exist currents which, on the basis of the beauty of a soap bubble, arrive at surprising conclusions. Changes are announced and throw their shade ahead - or should we rather say their light? 

This is why among us‚ those which seek the truth, listen - or start to listen - perhaps to the words coming from sources which are not influenced by our kind of logic‚ our manner of thinking or our traditions. In fact, words are expressed by human beings who come from a remote world which is completely foreign to us. Perhaps would we like to establish relations or form bridges to be able to understand about what one speaks at the other side? 

In a very humble way‚ this book would like to contribute to form such bridges. The “Book of the Hopi” gave me the best introduction to the world of the Hopis. It enabled me to recognize the subtle strings which are dissimulated under the surface of our solid facts. Some circumstances which one could call coincidences - I do not believe in it - led my wife and me at Polar Bear and his wife Naomi. It took a long time - it seemed long but lasted only a few years - until a mutual confidence arose. Finally‚ Polar Bear started to speak. I had not only to listen to it‚ but had also to learn and understand a completely new world. 

As one had to expect‚ the attempt to form a bridge between two worlds, as different as that from the Indians and ours, gave difficulties in comprehension. But it seems to me nevertheless that, for various reasons‚ our relation got supported by the factor luck. The family history of Polar Bear‚ as well as its role at the time of the preparations of the “Book of the Hopi”, gave him a glance on the traditions of its people which are undoubtedly vaster than that of any Hopi today. Its artistic intuitive capacity enabled him to draw and paint mural images which were impossible to get any other way. The three years passed in our Western society made it for him often possible to give explanations in the form of examples. Such explanations were necessary in order to express him selves comprehensibly for the external people. 

On the other hand‚ its knowledge of our world‚ never led Polar Bear to deviate from the traditions of its tribe. In the presentation of facts‚ events and characteristics‚ he was always imperturbable. With regard to its tribe‚ its traditions or religion‚ he transpires a deep solemnity. If ever I had to meet a man, which likes and preserves his roots and convictions passionately as those of his tribe‚ it was Polar Bear. Its frame of mind is one of the principal pillars of my conviction with regard to its integrity‚ which had naturally still to be confirmed. I discovered a basic difference between the way of thinking of Polar Bear and mine, which reflects not only our oppositional origin‚ but also throws a light on the problems of the present. It is the difference - and the conflict - between the knowledge which comes from the belief and the one based on tangible proofs. 

The following incident gives an account of it. I had followed the assertion of the Hopis concerning the islands by which they would have come to South America. And I had actually found the confirmations described below. This discovery had filled me with enthusiasm and when speaking about it with Polar Bear‚ I awaited a similar reaction. Instead he looked at me with his serene and quiet eyes and said: “I told you that we have come this way‚ isn’t it?” 

It should be mentioned that our work was strictly directed towards historical developments and their significance and that there did not exist any intention to create a replica of the remarkable “Book of the Hopi”. 

The text transcribed in the first part is exclusively the testimony of Polar Bear. It comes from recorded tapes, which he made him selves to this end‚ as well as from our recorded conversations, which were used to clarify‚ supplement and complete the image. However‚ as already indicated‚ I collaborated with him to seek formulations and examples for a better understanding; it was my task as an intermediate. Apart from that‚ my participation in this part contributed to fix the contents in an easily readable form. The proper words of Polar Bear and its manners to express him selves remained intact as much as possible. Moreover‚ the provision of the chapters and subparagraphs were carried out by me in order to more easily find the various topics. My contribution to the writing of the first part was guided by the unconditional intention to record the contents and the form of the revelations of Polar Bear without modifications and as much as possible with its own words.



Joseph F. BLUMRICH
(1913-2002)

Kásskara and the seven worlds

History of humanity according to the tradition of the Hopi Indians written in 1979 by Joseph F. Blumrich (1913-2002)




INTRODUCTION: White Bear
ANCIENT TIMES
THE THIRD WORLD 
Kásskara 
Mu (Lemuria) according to Cortezz & Morgana
DESTRUCTION OF THE THIRD WORLD 
Kachinas 
Migration in the fourth world 
The destiny of the inhabitants of Atlantis
TOOWAKACHI‚ THE FOURTH WORLD 
Táotoóma‚ the earth 
The Táotoóma city 
New migrations 
Migrations of the clan of the bear 
The ancestors which came from the sky 
Palátquapi 
Háhäwooti 
The war between the clan of the snake and the clan of the arc 
The Diaspora 
Casa Grande 
Oraibi 
Húck’ovi 
Arrival of the Spaniards at Oraibi
THE LEGENDS 
Yucca-Boy
THE ENERGY
THE SYMBOLS
THE WORD OF THE END







INTRODUCTION: White Bear



This is the history of my ancestors and the clans which came on this continent. The continent on which my people lived a long time sank in the sea and people had to leave it. They had to go to a new continent which left the sea to the east‚ in order to have a new world for them and to make a new beginning. All this was caused by their attitude in certain situations. I will tell you why it arrived‚ how they arrived on the new continent which we call the fourth world (Tóowakachi) and what arrived to them afterwards. 

But initially I would like to say that I am very grateful to all these people who gave me the knowledge and understanding. Much was told to me when I was still child and I learned certain things when I was a young man and other when I was older. But during all these years the great ceremonies were celebrated. It is due to them that my people keep awake the memories of our history. 

As you know Hopis in their families follow the line of the mother. This is why I belong to the clan of my mother‚ the clan of the coyotes‚ and I got from my mother and my grandmother most of my knowledge‚ as well as from my uncle of the same clan. They gave me a good teaching. Out of the clan of the bear‚ from where is originating my father‚ came the Oraibi guides and chiefs during hundreds and hundreds of years. What I learned from my father and my uncle‚ the chief Tawaquaptiwa‚ therefore comes from the knowledge of the clan from the bear and other clans which settled here. 

There are also many other people who transmitted part of their wisdom and knowledge to me and I am very grateful to them. They are all part of the clans which live here now. These clans preserved their memories through the sorrows and the difficulties endured and caused by their migrations, which they regarded as belonging to their duties‚ with an aim of arriving at Oraibi to help with the construction of this place, thus carrying out the plans of the creator. 

Now‚ it is time to speak about our people‚ to say to you whom we are and why we are here, in the hope that somebody one day will understand us. Even if it is me which speaks here‚ it is the knowledge of the Hopis that you will know. Out of the long story of Hopis arises a warning for you. You will understand later what I want to say when I tell my story. This is why I speak now. That concerns us all. Perhaps this warning will not come too late. 

By telling our history‚ it is necessary that you know that time did not have the same importance. Today‚ time seems important‚ time makes everything complicated‚ time becomes an obstacle. But in the history of my people‚ time was not really important‚ nor for the creator himself. What accounted really was the beauty that we put in our life‚ the way in which we achieve our duties and our responsibility towards the creator. The material things of this world are of little importance for the Hopis‚ as you of will realize when you will be at my place and that you will see how we live our history. 

When you are among my people in our villages‚ you will start to understand that these old women and these old men‚ who make the current history‚ will never forget the old history which is written in their heart. And as the history to me was revealed‚ I will now try to transmit it as accurately as possible.



ANCIENT TIMES



According to our traditions‚ we lived in two other worlds before coming in the third world, then in the fourth in which we are now. In the first world‚ the Táiowa divinity created the man. Táiowa created all the things in this universe. There is not one thing he did not realize. The place where he resides is called “the height”‚ much people call it “sky”. Nobody knows where that is‚ but out of there he directs the universe. He gave a brain to the man‚ he gave him the knowledge‚ he gave him all he needs in his life. And he gave him the law and the duties to which man must obey in this universe. 

The first world was destroyed by fire‚ because the men became malicious. But our people‚ those which in more recent times became the Hopis‚ survived the destruction‚ because our people were selected to preserve the knowledge of these facts through times‚ until the present and to transmit it in the future. 

The second world was destroyed by ice. Once again‚ our people survived and arrived in the third world‚ the third continent. All these events and the later events are still alive in our religious habits.




THIRD WORLD


Kásskara 



Mu (Lemuria) according to Cortezz & Morgana



The name of the third world was Kásskara. Few people today know the significance of this very old word. I learned it from Otto Péntewa which remembered it as the “mother ground”. We also call it “the country of the sun” because we like to refer to the sun and the soil which keep us alive. 

Kásskara was a continent. Perhaps this was the same one which is called today Mu or Lemuria. Most of the continent was at the south of Ecuador‚ only one small portion was in the north. It was a very beautiful country. Compared with today‚ it was almost a paradise. We were to work but we did not need to work hard. Since our beginnings in the first world‚ we had followed the plan of our creator and cultivated our food ourselves. In these times‚ we had chosen corn as principal food‚ and we brought it in the second world and we continued to live with it in the third world. When you see our corn‚ think of the fact that the Hopis have had it since very old times, since the first world. 

The knowledge that we seek and that was given to us related to the plants and the animals. We wanted to know why the sheets were green and flowers multicolored. We could communicate with the plants and the animals. We had what you call scientific knowledge‚ but we did not use it for the manufacture of objects which one needs to subject other people. 


People had respect for one another. The clans had their own bosses but they had all a big spiritual leader. In the life of the Hopis there always was a clan which had supremacy for a certain time in order to take care that we fulfilled well our obligations and responsibilities‚ like our good behavior in life. When we inherited this world‚ it was the clan of the arc which had the leadership. For this reason the tribe chief of the clan of the arc was the sovereign of Kásskara. 

At the beginning all was well in Kásskara. Much later the men gradually began to lose the respect for one another; initially a few, then more and more. As you see‚ we are exactly like other men. I can compare that with what occurs today in the organizations: people want to have some rank and power; they want their share. The same thing happened at Kásskara. It was especially the case for the clan of the arc‚ but the high ranking chiefs of this clan remained good.

Atlantis 

In the east of our continent was Talawaitichqua, which we called the “Eastern country”. In the Hopi language “tichqua” means “land” or the surface of a continent‚ and the first part of the word means “morning” or “rising of the sun”. Between this continent and us there was a large surface of water. Today one calls this continent Atlantis and I will continue to call it this way because for you it is a more familiar word. At the beginning of the third world people of Atlantis were as peaceful as us. We have of course the same divine origin. They had the same symbols as us. But with time they changed. They started to explore the secrecies of the creator whom the man should not know. You know there exist secrecies which are only intended for the divinity and‚ when the men started to study them‚ they infringed this law. In fact the man has the same capacity as the creator‚ but the creator maintains secrecies which the men should not seek to understand. This business concerning the secrecies is very serious. Let’s make a parallel about our actual time so that you understand what I want to say on what the Hopis believe. 

You developed many things‚ for example planes. When my uncle led me to Oraibi to see the lithography of a jet‚ which is naturally much older than your jets of today‚ he said to me: “It would be very good to fly again through the airs‚ as our people did in the past. When there is a catastrophe somewhere far away‚ one can bring help (food‚ drugs‚ tools). But one also brings death to men hundreds of miles away. And it is by doing that that one will disobey the divine law. ” 

How can you separate these two things if you made research on secrecies of which the men cannot make a good use yet? Think of you: let us suppose that you made a scientific discovery in the field of the rockets and that somebody makes a bad use of your discovery. You would not do it‚ but it is your discovery. Do you really know where begins and finishes your responsibility? 

Naturally you can do research on the operation of your body in order to define what cures and what gives you a long life. The creator wants us to do it. He wants that we benefit from the life and that we have as little heavy work as possible and that all that is good‚ all the joy‚ all the happiness of this world should become ours. But now they try to produce artificial life, and one day also a human; well these things you should not do! 

We can summarize all that in two sentences. The divine creator said to us: “If you want to be my children‚ you should not use your knowledge to subject‚ to destroy‚ to kill or make a misuse of what I gave you. If you do not respect this law‚ you are my children. ” 

Towards the end of the third world a woman was the supreme guide of Atlantis. In our language‚ we call her Kickmongwuity‚ a supreme priestess. You would simply call her a queen. She was very powerful and very beautiful. She used her power and the beauty of her body to subject the chiefs of her people. She received from them so many jewels that we called her “the turquoise woman”. Among these personalities‚ there were scientists whom one could refer to as “doubtful leaders”. An erudite man is not systematically a good man. She had a lot of success by these men and became this way sovereign of the complete continent. Atlantis extended its influence and subjected people in the countries further to the east‚ which we call Europe and Africa today. Although Atlantis was a small country‚ it had a great influence. You can compare it with England, which is also a small country‚ with a lot of influence! 

The inhabitants of Atlantis had also made research on the secrecies of the creator‚ whom they should not have known. As I said it to you‚ they got knowledge of it too early. Spiritually‚ they were not ready yet‚ they used their knowledge to subject other people. And in that‚ they have infringed the divine order. Some even lost their life. They also studied other planets and they even went there, but as these were dead planets they could not live there. They had thus to remain on our good old earth. 

At this point in time they turned against Kásskara. They knew that morally and spiritually we were much stronger and that made them envious. This is also why the queen wanted to conquer our country and to subject our people. 


Mu (Lemuria) according to Loren adams ("Moonlight Over Lemuria")



As I already said there were among us people who had become avid of status and power. Their religious belief became weaker and people did not have much respect any more for one another. We were in a situation which one can compare very well with the current situation. 

Within time the influence of this woman led to a scission of our people. She started to get some of our people on her side. It were the men avid of power about whom I spoke. They walked away from our laws and said to themselves: “If we choose the side of the people of Atlantis and accept their requirements‚ we might acquire later perhaps a fair share of the power. ” 

The malicious ones took over. They had studied many secrecies of the creator which humanity should not know‚ but we did not take part in this. We wanted to be and remain the peaceful people which were recognized at that time as such. I believe that actually it was the creator who used his capacity to keep us away from these things. 

The chiefs met many times. But the group of those which had scientific knowledge was much stronger and they came to attack my people with the material of their capacities and their invention. 

All what I tell you‚ as well as the later events‚ I learned from my grandmother. But I also discussed with a man who is the last to know the history of the clan of the arc. I did it because in our history one says that those of the clan of the arc had done the worst things. He confirmed what had occurred and said: “Yes‚ we did it. ” 

From very high in the airs they directed their magnetic force on our cities. But those of our people which had not left the true way of our creator were gathered in a certain area in order to be saved. 

Yesterday at a meeting in a kiva of Shongopovi we had a long discussion on our current situation. We see at this moment occur the same things as those which occurred right before the destruction from the third world. The reason of our concern is that we know what will arrive. In this meeting it was clear that the crucial problem of the Hopis is the problem of the land and it was a similar problem which directed the space ships towards us. We know that we reached the point of no return. We also evoked Kásskara‚ the queen of Atlantis and how the third world was destroyed. I thought of my grandmother who said to me that the same thing will arrive again as what occurred very long time ago.



The Irish, Scottish and Sami Indians of the Southeastern United States

The Irish, Scottish and Sami Indians of the Southeastern United States

 

The missing detail in understanding history is that Lewis and Glastonbury ( Tin mines ) along with the Grand Maan copper mine in Wales were the  Eastern anchors for the great circle route that connected to Georgia at least and further north to New England as well.

The Bronze Age from 2500 BC through 1159 BC brought metal from the Americas to Bimini for assembly for the run to Lewis along the great circle route.    The Great circle route continued to operate effectively to the present.  The Norse and the Templar dominated during the several centuries before contact.

With this background it is then possible to understand the material here as it does not exist in splendid isolation at all as we have been stubbornly taught..

The Irish, Scottish and Sami Indians of the Southeastern United States


 https://peopleofonefire.com/the-irish-scottish-and-sami-indians-of-the-southeastern-united-states.html

Actually, we mean the mixed-race offspring of immigrants from the Bronze Age Peoples of Ireland, Scotland, and the Atlantic Coast of France, plus the aboriginal people of Scandinavia.

At age 23, while I was back-packing above the Arctic Circle in Lapland, Scandinavian and German tourists often stopped to ask me for directions, because they thought I was a “local.”  Fast forward to the 21st century.  Uchee and Eastern Creek descendants are receiving DNA test results, which show them having substantial Maya, Panoan (Peru), Sami, Basque, Highland Scots and Correigh (Black Irish) heritage.   The Maya heritage is obvious, but where in the world did these other ancestries come from?

For the past 160 years, Caucasian anthropologists never seriously studied the etymology of Southeastern indigenous place names. If they addressed the meaning of an indigenous place name at all, they typically quoted the dictionary-less speculations of early 20th century ethnologist, John R. Swanton . . . which are almost entirely wrong.  If any of them had even bothered to compare individual Creek words for many common items like “house” and “maize” with the Itza and Totonac words for the same items, they would have instantly known that there was indeed a cultural connection between the Lower Southeast and Mesoamerica.

 

The Tugaloo Stone, near Toccoa, GA portrays three Bronze Age boats, plus several dozen Scandinavian Bronze Age navigation symbols.
There is much more than a Mesoamerican connection with the Southeastern United States.  Clearly, very ancient words for such objects as canoes, village chiefs, sweet potatoes, beans and Yaupon Holly are directly linked with eastern Peru.  However, there are extremely ancient words for such items as water, the names of deities and “living place” that can be also found in the northern edge of Europe.  Not only that, the same petroglyphs are found the Gold Fields in the Highlands of the State of Georgia, southwestern Ireland, but these petroglyphs originated in southern Scandinavia.  Several of the 4000 year old glyphs of an ancient writing system on a rock face in Nyköping, Sweden can be found on the Track Rock Petroglyphs in the Georgia Mountains.

To understand these connections, one must know a modicum about the indigenous languages of the Southeastern United States.  Nevertheless, it is obvious.   The Creeks, Uchee and Southern Siouans of the Southeastern United States should be considered hybrid Eurasians, not New World Siberians.  The indigenous peoples encountered by 16th century European explorers in the Southeast were NOT “full-blooded” American Indians.



Sailing routes between the Americas and Northwestern Europe

Most of the researchers and writers, who have pondered the possibility of trans-Atlantic voyages before Columbus, are fixated on a route that takes European ships to either the Canadian Maritime provinces or New England.  This is because most of the American researchers either lived in New England, the Midwest or California. 
 


The most recent book on petroglyphs in North America and Western Europe, When the Sun God Came to America, completely omitted the petroglyphs in the Southeastern United States and put the arrival of Bronze Age ships in New England.  The Bronze Age voyagers were assumed to have  southwestward to the Azores Islands and a jumping off point then sailed westward against the prevailing winds and currents to reach New England.   The book’s authors seem to y have not looked at the North Atlantic sailing charts.

It would have been much easier for a vessel from the Southeast’s coast to reach Western Europe than vice versa. Ships sailing from western Europe would have been steered by the prevailing currents and winds to make first landfall in the Eastern Antilles Islands . . . as did Cristobal Colon (Columbus).  

Read again the memoir of the commander of Fort Caroline, René de Laudonnière.  Their fleet sailed southwest from France to the Azores in order to pick up the prevailing southwestward currents and winds, which would take them to the New World.  They sighted land at Cape Canaveral. The ships of the Roanoke Colony actually sailed first to Puerto Rico and built a fort, before sailing northward into the Gulf Stream in order to reach the coast of North Carolina.

 The ships of the Spanish treasure fleets picked up the Gulf Stream off the coast of Florida.  The Gulf Stream begins veering to the east off the coast of South Carolina.  This is the primary reason that the Spanish Crown was willing to support the new colony of La Florida.  It was the last location, where the treasure fleets would be close to land before heading for Spain.

Thus, the location of Savannah as the point where Bronze Age explorers made land fall is quite logical.  That section of the Atlantic Coast receives fewer direct strikes by major hurricanes than anywhere between Cape Cod, Massachusetts and Miami Bay, Florida.



The glyph on the far right on a rock face at Nyköping, Sweden was dated at 2000 BC.  The Track Rock glyph at least dates to about 1200 BC or earlier.

Dixie Indigenous Linguistics 101 – Things that you Anthropology professor never told you

Very few “Native American” place names found in the Southeastern United States are the actual words spoken by indigenous peoples.  They are interpretations of indigenous sounds approximated to the phonetics and spelling of a European language . . . mostly English. However, with most words there are predictable patterns that enables one to get back to the original word.

(1) R – Muskogee Creeks and Uchees rolled their R’s so hard that English and French speakers typically wrote the sounds as an L.  Spanish speakers typically used a letter R, because Spanish also rolls the R’s. So the Spanish labeled the province around Savannah, GA – Chikora, which the French and English labeled it Chikola.

(2)  Reigh or Re – Another similar example, which is especially relevant to this article, is the Uchee suffix for “people.”  Depending on the tribe, English speakers wrote the suffix as re, ree, ry, li, le or lee.  The “re” suffix happens to be the Pre-Gaelic Irish suffix for people also.  In earlier times, it was written as “reigh.”  However, today the reigh sound is typically written as “ry.”  Thus, Correigh or “Dark-skinned People” has become Kerry . . . as in County Kerry.  County Kerry has many petroglyphs like those in the Georgia Gold Fields..

(3) “Ki” is the Maori*, southern Arawak, Southern Shawnee, Muskogee-Creek and Cherokee suffix for “land of or tribe.”   The Shawnee, Cherokee and Muskogees pronounced the “k” so gutturally that they are typically written as a “gi” or “gee.”  The English word, Muskogee, is actually written as Mvskoke. 

* Linguists and Maori scholars in New Zealand believe that the Maori absorbed this word from the Tuha, Tuhare, Tuhale or Turihu (a blond or red haired people), who inhabited New Zealand, when they arrived 800 years ago. The Tuhu were absorbed into the Maori as separate, but equal clans.  Remember that word Tuhare!   You will see it again on the Georgia Coast.

 [ obviously European Bronze Age seamen set up in New Zealand as well.  No surprise here as we also have them building pyramids for the yellow emperor in china.  arclein ]

 Itsate (Hitchiti) Creeks pronounced the K much closer to the sound of an English K. Cherokee speakers typically converted a hard “K”. . . such as in the Arawak suffix for “people or tribe,” koa . . . to a “kwa” sound.  

(4) T – A Muskogee T sound seems to be a D to English and French speakers.   Itsate Creek has three T sounds, which to English or French speakers sound like a T,  D or Th sound.

(5) P and B – Like the Mayas, the Itsate Creeks have distinct P and B sounds.  There is no letter B in Mvskoke.  It’s P sound is halfway between an English P and an English B.   English speakers often write a Muskogee P sound as a B.

Pa is the Itza Maya, Itsate Creek and Maori suffix for “place of.”   The equivalent suffix in Muskogee Creek is “fa.”

Bo means “living place of” in Panoan, the dominant language family of Satipo Province, Peru and originally, the Coastal Plain of Georgia.  Their Spanish conquerors changed Satibo to Satipo.  French and Spanish explorers also wrote down the capital of a powerful indigenous province on the Georgia coast as Satipo . . . also the name of a Native town at the confluence of the Little Tennessee River and Citigo Creek in the Great Smoky Mountains.  When the Rickohocken slave raiders settled down in present day Augusta, GA the  Apalache-Creeks on the Savannah called their province, Weste-bo, which means “Scraggly Haired People – living place.”

Here is where it gets strange, though.  The ancient root word, bo, had exactly the same meaning in the Northern Germanic languages of Dansk, Svensk, Skansk, Norsk, Jutisc, Saxon and Anglisc.   The Swedish coastal village of Fiskarebo means “Fishermen-living place of.”   When “by” (pronounced like the sound made by a sheep) was used instead of “bo”, it meant a village.  Thus, Danish settlers in England gave English many proper nouns, which end in “by.”  

The English and Scots words, borough and burgh are both derived from this same ancient root word, bo.  The original word was bo-rig, which means “living place-royal.”  

 (6)  Europeans had a problem writing the Muskogean V and S sounds.  V is approximately the same as äw in English.  Sixteenth century Spanish and French explorers tried to spell the sound as a U, O, I or Au.  English speakers typically used Aw or O.  Muskogee speakers pronounced the name of the Itstate town of Ichese (actually Itza-si) as Vchese.   British colonists spelled the Muskogee version as either Ochesee or Auchesee.  Both spellings have become modern place names.

Like the Itza Mayas, the Itsate Creeks had a least four S sounds, three of which were pronounced in English phonetics as s, sh, tsh and jzh. Muscogee Creek had two S sounds, sh and tsh.    English, French and Spanish speakers. Typically wrote the Muskogean suffix “si” (tshe) as “chee.”  Thus, the hybrid Panoan-Muskogean word Apara-si (From Ocean-Descendants of) as Apalachee.

(7) Tua or toa –  This is a Uchee word for a band or small tribe. It was a common suffix on village names in Georgia and western South Carolina.  Tuathla is the Irish Gaelic equivalent of this word.

(8) The Muskogee Creeks use an ancient Western European word for water . . . ue.  This was the word for water for the pre-Gallic maritime tribes on the Atlantic Coast of France.  The modern French word for water, eau, is derived from this word.
   
The Itsate Creeks, Choctaw and Chickasaw use the word, oka, for water.  It appears to be derived from the Peruvian word for water, waka.  In the vicinity of Savannah, the Itsate Creeks used three words for water,  oka, waka and ue.   Waka is the Maori word for a canoe.

The tribal name, Uchee (Euchee, Yuchi) is either derived from the hybrid word ue-she, which means “water-descendants of” or is literally the Pre-Gaelic Irish word for water, uisce . . . pronounced the same.  The Itsate Creek name for this tribe was Oka-te, which means “Water People.”

In his memoir, Captain René de Laudonnière. Commander of Fort Caroline, mentioned several contacts with a province between the mouth of the Savannah River, which he recorded as being named Oada.  This seems to be a French interpretation of the Creek words, Ue-te (Water People) . . . based on the typical European spelling of a Muskogean T.   It is shocking fact, however, that phonetically, the province’s name was also the ancient Indo-European word for water!

That is correct, the ancient Indo-European word for water was ueda or weda.   The current orthodoxy is that indigenous Americans had no genetic or cultural connection to western Asia and Europe.   This is refuted by the presence of Indo-European and Pre-Indo-European root words in their languages.


Bronze Age Peoples from Europe, plus the Deer People

I have identified three populations of Eurasian immigrants from Northwestern Europe that arrived during the Bronze Age and one population of Gaelic Irish, who arrived during the late 1100s AD.  By the 1500s, the hybrid descendants of these ancient immigrants were concentrated in a broad swath of landscape, which ran from the mouth of the Savannah River to the Upper Tennessee River.  Those on the Oconee, Ogeechee and Lower Savannah Rivers were the direct ancestors of people in Oklahoma, who call themselves Euchee.  However, all colonial documents in Georgia and South Carolina called them Uchee.   The term, Yuchi, originated among frontiersmen in eastern Tennessee.  The descendants of the Tokasi (Tokari) and Colasee primarily became divisions of the Creek Confederacy, but some became Cherokees.

There are three specific periods, when mass-migration across the Atlantic Ocean would have been most likely to occur.  Around 2350 BC, there was a 20-year period of incessant rainfall in the British Islands and northwestern France.  Irish archaeologists have discovered that Ireland was almost depopulated at this time.  Its inhabitants were not genetically related to modern Irish Gaels, but possibly related to the Black Irish of the mountainous western coast of Ireland.

Around 1200 BC there was a massive tsunami or hurricane, which wiped out the landscape of Denmark and southwestern Sweden. Most trees were knocked over and a thick layer of muck was deposited everywhere.  Scandinavian archaeologists mark this time as the end of the advanced Bronze Age civilization in southern Scandinavia.  Afterward, more and more Germanic peoples, the modern Scandinavians began arriving, who intermarried with the surviving “Red Haired” People of southern Scandinavia.   The indigenous Sami were pushed farther and farther north . . . or else went elsewhere.

Among many scenes portrayed at the Tanum Petroglyphs near  Tanumshede, Bohuslän, Sweden is a epic battle between invaders in large Mediterranean galleys and the indigenous Sami people in lightweight Hjartspring boats.  This might be the event that triggered outmigration of the indigenous peoples.

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A section of the Tanum petroglyphs in Sweden
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(1)  Toka-reigh = Freckled or Blond/Red-Haired People – These are most likely the “red-haired” people, who sailed around the globe.  They would have originally looked like Scottish Highlanders, but over time intermarried with Asiatic peoples and acquired more “indigenous American” features.  They were called TocE or Toque by the Spanish and Tokee by the British colonists.  Their hybrid descendants composed the Tokasi and Tokapa-si (Tuckabatchee) divisions of the Creek Confederacy and Seminole Alliance.  The Cherokee village of Tocqua was originally one of their towns.

 

Place and tribal names derived from this Pre-Gaelic word appear the farthest north on the landscape today.  This probably means that they arrived first, but this is not definite. The modern Muskogee-Creek word for “freckled or spotted” . . . tokahle . . . was originally a Uchee tribal name, meaning, Freckled People.”  Modern Anglicized, Cherokonized places names that were derived from this tribal name are Tugaloo River, Toccoa River, Tocqua, Tocasee, Tuckasegee River and Tuckabatchee. 

Seventeenth century and early Eighteenth century maps show a tribe, labeled the Togaria, which lived on the Tennessee River from Hiwassee Island downstream to Chattanooga. This is a Latinization of Tokaree or Toka-Reigh


 

(2) Corra Reigh = Spear or Spiral Goddess or Snake Goddess People –  Irish sources give two interpretations for the word, Corra.  It was an ancient word for spear in Ireland and Scotland, but also a primary name of the Spiral or Snake Goddess.  Farther south and east, the Spiral Goddess was a Sun Goddess.  The spiral glyph of the Spiral Goddess, Amana, is particularly common in southwestern Iberia. 

 

Both the Toca-reigh and the Corra-Reigh were extremely tall. as can be seen from this Pictish descendant today.   These immigrants established their main center, Corra, on the Tuckasegee River, where Cullowhee, NC is now located. The Pre-Gaelic word, corra, became a New World word for “People or Tribe”, which was written down by French and English explorers as the suffix “cola.”    The suffix, cora (kola) was absorbed by the Choctaw and Chickasaw Peoples. Adding the prefix, “O”, which meant “principal,” their word became Okola then Okla.   Of course, Okla is now part of the state name, Oklahoma. 

The hybrid descendants of the Corra Reigh were called Corasi (Colasi or Cullasee) by the Creeks.  They became divisions of both the Creek Confederacy and the Seminole Alliance. Initially, their villages were shown on maps to be along the upper Savannah River, but later they relocated to the Chattahoochee River.

Cullowhee, NC and Currahee Mountain, GA are place names derived from the Corra Reigh. 



Uchee towns were always round with round building and a round plaza . . . like Atlantis.
(3) Uisce Reigh = Uchee/Euchee/Yuchi = Water People – Since the arrival of settlers to the new Province of Georgia in 1733,  they Uchee have consistently stated that their ancestors came across the Atlantic Ocean from the “home of the sun” and landed in the region around Savannah. 
The Uchee were probably the last Eurasians to arrive from across the Atlantic during the Bronze Age, but this is not certain. Since Uchee descendants are showing up with Sami DNA, it is highly probable that these immigrants were originally from Scandinavia.  Perhaps they were forced out of their homes in Southern Scandinavia by Germanic peoples from the South.  Alternatively, they may have been Sjø Sami from Norway’s coast, whose superior sailing skills enabled them to travel long distances.  Another possibility is that they initially migrated from Scandinavia to Scotland or Ireland, then later took the big leap across the Atlantic.

The Uchee have been completed erased from Georgia History books and from maps showing the traditional locations of indigenous tribes in the United States. They are virtually unknown to most anthropologists in the United States despite occupying a vast territory at the time of European contact, which was far larger than that actually occupied by the Cherokees.

 

The Uchee were the predominant occupants of the region between the Ogeechee, Savannah and Salkahatchee Rivers in Georgia and South Carolina.  Their name also appeared in the chronicles of the De Soto and Juan Pardo Expeditions as a major tribe in the Upper Tennessee River Valley.  It is not known if the Uchee in Tennessee were the same people as what later maps label Togeria ( Toka-re.)  Whatever the case, the Uchee and Toka-re considered themselves to be of the same general ethnic group.  Surviving Toka-re in the Tennessee and Upper Savannah River Valleys were both labeled “Yuchi” by 20th century scholars.

The largest Uchee town in the 1500s was near the Fall Line, at the forks of the Ogeechee River in Taliaferro County, GA.  It was possibly the town, named Cofita, in the De Soto Chronicles.  Cofita means “Mixed Race” in the Creek languages.  The town’s three large mounds are still visible today, but little known outside the immediate neighborhood.  The large town site has never been studied by archaeologists and has no special historic designation.  

Operating in a complete cultural boundary, defined by state lines,  20th century academicians in Tennessee decided that their Yuchi originated in Tennessee and that a few Yuchi bands migrated down the Savannah River in the 1700s. This is also what one is told in references, such as Wikipedia.

 

(4)  Os-Reigh  (Deer People) or Du H’Ai-re (Duhare) –  In the first history of the State of Georgia, written by William Bacon Stevens in the early 1840s,  the author matter-of-factly references a book by Danish historian Karl Christian Rafn.  Rafn’s research found that that early colonists on the coast of Georgia and adjacent regions of South Carolina encountered light-skinned Indians, who spoke a Gaelic language.  They called themselves the Duhale, Tuhare or Tuhale.  Ravn referenced early medieval monastic journals in Ireland and France, which described the immigration of Gaels and Scandinavians from southeastern Ireland to Witmannsland (White Mans Land) across the Atlantic. 

   
According to these 12th century documents, Richard “Strongbow” Le Clere led a party of Anglo-Norman mercenaries to southeastern Ireland in 1170 to aid a regional king’s effort to retake his lost throne.  Once that was accomplished, they began laying siege to the Scandinavian dominated towns along the Irish Channel.  Once they were capture, the Normans began invading in the interior of southeastern Ireland.   After they were captured, individual war lords began carrying out further raids within the interior of Ireland.

After Henry II of England launched a better organize invasion of Ireland in 1175,  he began replacing priests and bishops in the Gaelic church with French Norman priests and bishops.  This was done under Paper Bull from Pope Andrian, who wished to end the independence of the Gaelic church in Ireland.  The Gaelic Church was organized into congregations, led by laymen.  Priests and bishops regularly married. The Irish priests and bishops were leaving their land and money to their wives and children. The Medieval Church was being deprived of the power that inherited wealth brought. Celibate priests meant it could get its hands on the lot of it Ireland.

Persecution of priests, bishops and laity was particularly severe in Leinster.   Here, the local leadership put up a particularly successful defense against the invaders. Priests and bishops, who helped in that defense were classified as heretics in rebellion against the Church, and therefore were burned at the stake.  Scandinavian Irish had an equally rough time.  Some had never converted to Christianity and all were disinclined to submit to the seizure of the properties by Anglo-Norman feudal lords.

Survivors from Leinster, who were members of the Osrey Clan of Irishmen were provided transportation across the Atlantic by the Scandinavians in the coatal towns.  Passengers were dropped off in Whitmansland on the South Atlantic Coast.  The Scandinavians settled a little farther north in Nordland.

Peter Martyr d’Anghiera contained a more detailed account of these hybrid Indians in his book, De Orbo Novo  (1530)/  De Orbo Novo means The New World.   Slave traders, Francisco Gordillo and Pedro de Quejo, made a clandestine slave raid voyage to the South Atlantic Coast in 1521 near the province that they called Chikora (Palachicora).  Some South Carolina academician in the past decided that Chicora was near Georgetown, SC and no one fact checked them.  Subsequent generations of students have been looking for Chicora in all the wrong places.  The Commander of Fort Caroline, René de Laudonnière, specifically stated that the province that his ship visited, which the French called Chiquola, was one of the same as Chikora . . . and it was about 30 miles south of Port Royal Sound at the mouth of the Savannah River in Georgia. The village of Palachicora or Palachicola was still on the Lower Savannah River in 1733.

While there they visited the Duhare province, which was occupied by very tall, large boned Europeans with red or brown hair.  The men wore full beards.  Their houses and pottery were pretty much identical to those of their American Indian neighbors.   However, their agriculture was a bit more sophisticated than that practiced by their neighbors.  The raised several types of livestock and cultivated a wider range of vegetables and grains than was typical of the region. 

The Spaniards stated that the people of Duhare also raised domesticated, “dairy’ deer.”  The people of Duhare made the deer milk into cheese.  The deer were released in the morning to browse through nearby forests and returned to the village at night.  At night they were penned inside a stockade within the center of the village.

From its initial publication, until today, very few scholars have taken the description of the Duhare seriously.  The description of them raising dairy deer and making deer cheese was too ludicrous to be taken seriously.  Few people other than Dr. Ofn in Denmark ever caught the connection between the Duhare story and the strange monastic journal entries about persecuted Irish Christians fleeing across the Atlantic Ocean.  

I started the second state-licensed goat cheese creamery in the United States. Later, we became the first federally-licensed goat cheese creamery.  Some of the details of the dairy deer operation in Duhare that were provided by the two Spanish slave traders seemed too “close on target” for them to possibly know from their disgusting trade.  I thought perhaps the Spaniards had confused Alpine dairy goats with deer.  Also, the “Native American” words included in Peter Martyr’s article sounded very Gaelic.

With the assistance of the Consul General of the Republic of Ireland in Atlanta, I was put in contact with the appropriate professors at Trinity College in Dublin.  Very quickly, they confirmed that all the “Indian” words reproduced by Peter Martyr were in fact, Early Medieval Gaelic.  Duhare (actually Du H’Ai-re) was the word used for Irish in the 12th century.  The name of the Osrey clan members, who fled Leinster, literally means “Deer People.”     Indeed, Ireland had domesticated dairy deer for probably thousands of years.  It only switched to dairy cattle after they were introduced by Norman monks in the 13th century.  There is no way that the two Spanish slave traders would have known Early Medieval Gaelic.  The story is true.

There are two other odd things about the Duhare Story.  An alternative way of spelling the word, seen on maps, is Tuhale . . . which happens to be the name of the tall, freckled, dishwater blond people, who settled New Zealand from Peru.

Secondly,  the river flowing through the South Carolina portion of the ancient Uchee province is the Salkehatchee.   Hatchee is the Anglicization of the Creek name for a river, Hawsi.  The river’s original name was the Sawaki-hatchee River.  Sawaiki is the name of the semi-mythical place, where the dishwater blond people in New Zealand traditionally originated.

From bean to bar

 

 

 

 

 

None of this can truly change until we master the resolution of poverty itself.  That must include the natural availability of the four hour shift directly tied to Community needs.  Education itself needs to stop been a mere warehouse and a directed experience aimed at optimizing results. 
 
Yet way more important, we need to correctly support the agricultural enterprise with robots.  Grass must be cut back and machetes can be operated by robots as easily as kids. Our problem is that it is either or.  That is going to change out over the next generation.
 
Yet for all the complaining in this article, this has been the superior alternative to the past.  Recall surplus children were sold directly into the slave trade as happens today in SE Asia and elsewhere.
 
Children need to expect to work or contribute safely and also master their schoolwork as all those American farm boys and girls of our past..  . 
 
.
 
From bean to bar

In Ivory Coast, Switzerland, Belgium and the Netherlands, chocolate makers are on a mission to keep children out of cocoa production

By John Aglionby and Ralph Atkins

https://ig.ft.com/special-reports/child-labour/ 
 
The farmers
Cocoa pods: key ingredient of a bar of chocolate

Bledgi Yode has lost count of how often he was injured as a child working on his family’s cocoa farm. The two-hectare holding is in the village of Ziguédia, 15km up a dirt track, south-west of the city of Daloa in central Ivory Coast.

“We started working in the fields aged six or seven and were digging and using machetes from when we were eight,” says the subsistence farmer, now 58. He mimes slashing grass with a long blade as he walks among cocoa trees laden with ripening pods. “We often hurt ourselves but we had no choice. My father said we wouldn’t eat if we didn’t work in the plantation.”

Three decades later, in the late 1990s, Mr Yode, treated his eldest son, Ange, exactly the same. “Like me, he went to school but he also had to work in the fields,” Mr Yode says. “It was the way things were done.” 
 
Family business: farmer Bledgi Yode 

Family business: farmer Bledgi Yode  

For much of Mr Yode’s life, child labour was standard practice in Ivory Coast and neighbouring Ghana, the world’s two largest cocoa producers, which together account for some 60 per cent of global supply. But working practices are starting to change for Mr Yode’s family of 11 children. His youngest son, 10-year-old Jean-Luc, has escaped the most arduous physical labour. “He comes and watches us men work and does things like fetch drinking water, but he does not do hazardous work,” Mr Yode says. 

Change arrived in Ziguédia seven years ago, Mr Yode says, when the Ivory Coast government started to crack down on the use of child labour. Its campaign initially prosecuted employers of child labour and child traffickers, but then, after limited success, switched to encouragement as much as penalty. In 2015, for example, laws were passed that made schooling until the age of 16 both compulsory and free. 
Lost childhood: the worst forms of child labour, identified by the International Labor Organisation, include hazardous work
The changes happened partly because of consumer pressure from the cocoa beans’ end users: the people who buy chocolate bars. In order to please their customers, international chocolate companies such as Nestlé, Barry Callebaut and Mars partnered with local cocoa farmers’ co-operatives and certification agencies such as Fairtrade and Rainforest Alliance to try to eliminate child labour from their supply chains. 

These alliances sought to educate adults about children’s rights, and build and improve schools and health facilities. Some schemes included women’s empowerment programmes and providing children with birth certificates. The latter are still a rarity across much of west Africa, and children without them are denied many legal rights. 
Education matters: outside a primary school in Bognonzra, east of Daloa
 

Education matters: outside a primary school in Bognonzra, east of Daloa

“We have to address the issue in a global manner, holistically, not just through one aspect,” says Amany Konan, a senior official in Ivory Coast’s Office of the First Lady, which is leading the fight against child exploitation. “It’s about education but also [addressing] poverty and lack of social infrastructure.”

Pierre Laporte, Ivory Coast country director at the World Bank, applauds the Ivorian government for its reform agenda but says farming practices are unlikely to change significantly in the foreseeable future. One challenge is that fluctuating prices put pressure on farmers. The government-guaranteed farm-gate price in 2017-18 is 700 CFA francs ($1.27) per kilogramme, 400 francs down on the previous year, following one of the most dramatic slumps in global prices in recent years.

Mr Konan says the government’s goal is to eliminate the worst forms of child labour by 2025. He admits, however, that this will happen only if current programmes are “rapidly accelerated and broadened”. He adds: “It will be a multigenerational challenge. We will have to keep doing follow-up work for years.”

The International Labour Organization defines child labour as work that deprives children of their childhood, potential and dignity, interferes with schooling and is harmful to their physical and mental development. Activities such as lifting heavy loads or working with dangerous tools or chemicals are considered among the worst forms.

In west Africa, child labour has been perpetuated by the way cocoa is grown — on small plots of a few hectares each. The majority of the 900,000 cocoa farmers in Ivory Coast, who between them have almost 4m children, struggle to earn enough to stay above the poverty line. Sometimes child labour is the farmers’ only option.

Three years ago, Ecojad, a Daloa-based cocoa farmers’ co-operative with financial backing from Tony’s Chocolonely, a Dutch chocolate-maker, began paying farmers in Ziguédia a premium for their beans if they did not use child labour. Tony’s Chocolonely promises consumers “slavery-free chocolate”.

Some of the money was in cash and some arrived through community projects. These have included new toilets at a local school, a pump in the village so people no longer have to walk miles for water, and two programmes to provide women with greater income.

On a tour of supplier farms and co-operatives in Ivory Coast, Henk Jan Beltman, chief executive of Tony’s Chocolonely, is clearly delighted about the progress so far. But he stresses in a meeting with two dozen villagers in Blaisekro, about 50km east of Daloa, that everyone has to play their part. “My responsibility is to build the brand and yours is to develop the village,” he says. “The co-operative’s role is to make sure the children go to school. If we work together we will have [a] long-term impact.”


Listening and learning, left to right: Henk Jan Beltman, Korotoum Doumbia, a cocoa sector consultant, and Alphonse Zaha Silue, of Kapatchiva cocoa co-operative, tour a primary school in Blaisekro village


 
 Listening and learning, left to right: Henk Jan Beltman, Korotoum Doumbia, a cocoa sector consultant, and Alphonse Zaha Silue, of Kapatchiva cocoa co-operative, tour a primary school in Blaisekro village
 
 
 
 




Mr Beltman admits he cannot guarantee that every chocolate bar his company sells is 100 per cent child-labour free. The numbers of farmers involved, often in remote locations, makes ensuring full compliance impossible, and on-the-ground definitions of what constitutes child labour can be a matter of individual judgment.

“If a child is used to carrying a machete, who are we to block it?” asks Mr Beltman. “As long as a child’s education and development are not hindered, I’m not against children doing some work.”

“The projects really do make a difference,” says Bakayoko Gondo, the headteacher of the primary school in Ziguédia. “Now we have latrines, the children are happy and they’re healthier.” 
 
Bakayoko Gondo, headteacher of the primary school in Ziguédia

Bakayoko Gondo, headteacher of the primary school in Ziguédia 

School attendance has risen 15 per cent since the smart stone building with a corrugated iron roof was completed last year, he adds. 

Programmes such as those in Ziguédia, however, make only a small difference overall. Tony’s Chocolonely will buy about 7,600 tons of beans from Ivory Coast in 2018, which is less than 0.5 per cent of the country’s total production of 1.8m tons. 

Nestlé, one of the world’s biggest chocolate companies, highlighted the scale of the challenge in a report it published in 2017, five years after the company started to focus on the problem. The report said that of 40,728 children aged five to 17 who were monitored at 48,496 producers, 7,002 were undertaking work they should not have been doing. 
On the road: workers at Kapatchiva cocoa co-operative in Daloa load cocoa beans destined for Abidjan, Ivory Coast's economic capital 
Nevertheless, despite the work of the company, NGOs and co-operatives, 49 per cent of the children interviewed last year by the International Cocoa Initiative in a separate survey of a representative sample of 1,056 were found to be engaged in child labour. The ICI is an umbrella body that works with governments, companies, co-operatives and NGOs to promote child protection in the industry. 

Christiane Kabron, who runs the ICI’s Daloa office, agrees that its work has just begun. “It will require a great effort by everyone for a long time to get to the end,” she says. 
Bledgi Yode: children belong in schools, not in the fields
Mr Yode, who receives the Tony’s Chocolonely premium for his harvest, accepts he will suffer as a result of falling prices, not least because scarce government resources will be stretched even more thinly. But he will continue to refuse to put any children of his who are still aged under 18, to work. “We have to keep moving forward and that means keeping our children in school,” he says.

The stalwart

Taking shape: bars at a moulding and packaging plant in Belgium




For anyone wanting to change the chocolate industry, a good place to start is Zurich-based Barry Callebaut, the world’s biggest supplier of chocolate and cocoa products. In the financial year to September 2017, it sold almost 2m tonnes of chocolate products to the confectionery and catering industries. The wholesaler’s name may be little known, even among chocolate lovers, but its size gives Barry Callebaut considerable influence over how the industry works. 
 
Separation: cocoa butter and liquor from cocoa beans sourced by Tony’s Chocolonely are kept discrete from other cocoa products by Barry Callebaut


Separation: cocoa butter and liquor from cocoa beans sourced by Tony’s Chocolonely are kept discrete from other cocoa products by Barry Callebaut 

The cocoa that Tony’s Chocolonely sources from farms in west Africa is processed by Barry Callebaut at a production facility in Wieze, near Ghent in Belgium. The cocoa butter and cocoa liquor from beans sourced by Tony’s are kept separate from other cocoa products while it is held in tanks, made into liquid chocolate and shipped to the moulding and packaging plant. According to Tony’s latest annual report, some 95 per cent of the cocoa in its bars is traceable to its partner co-operatives. 

Antoine de Saint-Affrique, Barry Callebaut chief executive, says processing cocoa for Tony’s in this way has changed the thinking across the industry and will “drive others to step up”. He says: “Tony’s keeps pushing us, every day, to try to do things differently, to try to get better traceability. So those guys are very challenging, but they are very helpful because they help us go to the next level.”
Antoine de Saint-Affrique: chief executive of Barry Callebaut

Antoine de Saint-Affrique: chief executive of Barry Callebaut

Speaking in his Zurich office, which is decked with mementos of Barry Callebaut’s history and examples of the chocolate it makes, Mr De Saint-Affrique says his own childhood on a farm in the French countryside gave him an early insight into agricultural economics. Since joining Barry Callebaut from Unilever in October 2015, he has launched programmes aimed at making its entire production line environmentally and economically sustainable by 2025, which includes eradicating child labour across all its products. 
Chocolate companies have long associated themselves with charitable initiatives. In the US, Hershey has a history of supporting educational and community initiatives. The UK confectioner Rowntree, now part of Switzerland’s Nestlé, was founded by a Quaker philanthropist who championed social reform, as were fellow British chocolatiers Cadbury (now owned by Mondelez International) and JS Fry. 

Barry Callebaut is following a similar path. Just over half its shares are owned on behalf of the Jacobs Foundation, which promotes child and youth development and was set up in 1989 by Klaus Jacobs, a member of the German-Swiss coffee family. “Over 50 per cent of our dividend goes into education so, at the heart of the company, there is a sense of responsibility,” says Mr De Saint-Affrique. 

Pressure on chocolate companies to eradicate child labour has been growing since at least the start of the century. In 2001, the industry agreed the so-called Harkin-Engel Protocol, named after two US politicians, with the aim of eradicating the worst forms of child labour in the production of cocoa. The International Cocoa Initiative was formed under the protocol’s auspices in 2002. 

So far, however, such top-down approaches have not proved very effective. “Industry, governments, social partners, the UN — we all have unfortunately not got the traction that we need to really eliminate child labour,” says Benjamin Smith, a technical specialist on child labour at the International Labour Organization in Geneva. “The numbers are not going in the right direction.” 

Part of the problem, Mr Smith says, was the initial focus by the industry on certification — labelling beans that were produced without child labour. “That was always a ‘mission impossible’,” he says. The certification process was hard to monitor and subject to manipulation. “A lot of energy and resources went into certification, which could have been more profitably invested in the root causes.” 



Out of school: boys sit alongside men at work on cocoa pods in Ivory Coast 




Out of school:

boys sit alongside men at work on cocoa pods in Ivory Coast









Today, however, Mr Smith detects renewed determination by companies to tackle underlying problems. “The industry is experimenting and learning. Resources are being increased. There has been a major push in the past few years,” he says. “Consumers do have a role. It is important to get out the idea that the incomes that farmers receive, in many cases, are not adequate to really eliminate child labour.”

Like Tony’s Chocolonely, Barry Callebaut uses the Child Labour Monitoring and Remediation System (CLMRS), which was developed by the ICI for people to collect and track data on labour abuses via a mobile app. A progress report published last December showed that just 3.2 per cent of the 340 farmer groups in the Ivory Coast from which Barry Callebaut sources its beans had adopted the CLMRS. Some 247 cases of the worst forms of child labour were identified in 2016-17.






Barry Callebaut recognises it cannot solve the problem on its own, and wants to be part of a broad movement. The company does not reveal how much of its chocolate is sold under labels such as Fairtrade or its own programme, Cocoa Horizons, saying that it depends on choices made by its customers.

Mr De Saint-Affrique says the special facilities it provides to Tony’s could be extended to others. He notes, however, that “what you see is [that] some customers — and I will not name them — are not interested in sustainability because they don’t see necessarily the benefit”.

In time, he believes the market will push the more reluctant chocolate-makers to adopt a shared mission to end child labour. “Consumers more and more will want sustainable, traceable products.”



The upstart


Bars: the striking wrappers on Tony's Chocolonely bars include a logo that reads ‘Together we make chocolate 100% slave free’

 



Tony’s Chocolonely has an unusual origin story, but its short history shows how a child labour-free chocolate supply chain might be possible.

The business was founded in the early 2000s by Maurice Dekkers, a Dutch film producer, and Teun “Tony” van de Keuken, a local journalist who had worked on exposing child labour in the global chocolate industry. They produced some documentary footage that was hard-hitting but had little effect. Instead, Mr Van de Keuken tried a stunt: he reported himself to the police for eating chocolate that he said must have been produced using illegal child labour. The Dutch authorities, however, declined to prosecute.
Bold by design: a strong identity was essential to help the brand stand out
Bold by design: a strong identity was essential to help the brand stand out 
In 2005, the two men decided to produce chocolate bars themselves, using only ingredients they could ensure, as far as possible, were produced without child labour. “Journalism as marketing was basically my business model,” recalls Mr Dekkers. “I started a company, not to sell as much chocolate as possible — of course, that is necessary — but to change something in the minds of people.” 

The founders hoped that sales of their chocolate bars would help stamp out child labour in the wider industry — an ambitious task. Cocoa beans are just one of many ingredients that Tony’s needs to ensure is ethically sourced — from sugar to flavourings such as cinnamon and cardamom. They also needed to consider the materials in the chocolate bars’ packaging.
Based in a renovated red-brick 19th-century gasworks not far from the centre of Amsterdam, Tony’s head office has the air of a technology start-up, with its young, casually dressed staff, flexible work practices and a whimsical tone to its brand identity and communications.
Staff are known as “Tonys” and sign off emails with the salutation “Best choco greetings”. Every six months a ballot decides where they sit in the office. Colleagues in the same department are forbidden to sit together, to encourage integration and idea-sharing.
Melting pot: employees from different departments are mixed together 
Melting pot: employees from different departments are mixed together 
“It’s a little bit of the Willy Wonka feel,” says Mr Beltman, dubbed in Tony’s Chocolonely-speak as “chief chocolate officer”. He adds: “We’re in your face, full on, full flavour… 10 per cent of people buy [our chocolate] because we have a purpose; 90 per cent buy us for the fact that we’re a fun company, with tasty chocolate and a cool brand.”
On display: Tony’s bars in the company’s shop near its HQ, where customers’ requests and opinions are gauged
Mr Beltman, who previously worked for Heineken, the Dutch beer company, and Innocent, the UK smoothie-maker, became the majority shareholder in Tony’s in 2011, paying €382,500 for his stake. Tony’s now claims a market share of almost 17 per cent in the Netherlands. Mr Beltman insists the business model is scalable. “I’m naive and arrogant, but if we can do it and become the number one chocolate [bar] company in the Netherlands, why can’t others do it too?” he says.
Mr Beltman reckons Tony’s is still in its “entrepreneurial phase”. It is aiming for 50 per cent revenue growth, to reach about €67m in the financial year ending this September. With Tony’s products already available in the US, it plans to carry out feasibility studies in the UK before launching its products there, probably starting in specialist food shops. Tony’s sells online, in supermarkets and at airports, but “we’re crap at opening stores”, says Mr Beltman. The company has opened a store next to its headquarters to help gauge consumer tastes directly.
Ultimately, his ambition is to sell the business to a big chocolate-maker. “If we can sell it to a chocolate multinational [and] have an impact from the inside out, that’s my dream.” This is because Tony’s remains half-company, half-campaign. It wants to prove that child labour-free production is a viable business strategy. It was certified as a B Corp — a designation that demands greater accountability for broad social and environmental standards — in 2013. “What we want to do is to have [an] impact in mainstream chocolate,” Mr Beltman says. This means that “everything we do has to be scalable”.
With this in mind, Tony’s has chosen to work with the world’s biggest chocolate-makers, and is part of the ICI. Board members include Hershey, Mars, Mondelez, Nestlé, Barry Callebaut and Cargill, the agricultural commodities trader.
The strategy is straightforward: Tony’s pays above the market price for its beans, adding $200 per tonne to qualify for the Fairtrade label, plus a “Tony premium” of at least $175 a tonne. It also agrees long-term contracts of at least five years, so the farmer can invest in production facilities, and offers help in boosting quality and productivity. These extra costs, Tony’s reckons, make its chocolate 15-20 per cent more expensive than competitors’. A 180g Tony’s bar usually sells for between €2.75 (in supermarkets) and €3.05.
On their way: the bars will go on sale through supermarkets, specialist shops and online 
On their way: the bars will go on sale through supermarkets, specialist shops and online 
Bigger rivals admire Tony’s enthusiasm but say the steps the company has taken are already commonplace. “I love their passion, their single reason for being,” says an executive at one of the biggest global chocolate companies. “But all these things are becoming standard. You have to do it — it is not a competitive advantage.”
At Barry Callebaut, Mr De Saint-Affrique points out that there is a potential shortcut to guaranteeing child labour-free chocolate. His company could simply source all its cocoa beans from regions outside Africa where child labour is less of an issue. But that would mean abandoning farmers like Mr Yode in Ziguédia, who are now becoming financially stable enough to keep the next generation out of child labour thanks to the co-operative schemes.
“You could suddenly say that you are sustainable, and you wouldn’t have changed anything,” Mr De Saint-Affrique reflects. “Actually, you’d have changed the world of small farmers in Africa for the worse.”
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